An important theme in Chinese ancient imperial portraiture was the image of a sovereign and his subjects. As far as group portraits were concerned, artists developed a whole set of rigid formulae for presenting the sovereign versus his subjects, so that the sovereign’s stature and prominence would be immediately apparent. As expressed by a scholar named Guo Ruoxu (act. mid-11th Century) of the Northern Song period (960-1127) in the first fascicle of his Tuhua Jianwen Zhi (Anecdotes on Paintings): “In depicting figures, one must differentiate between the image of the noble and that of the humble, and pay attention to the attire unique to each dynasty…. The sovereign should be elevated as a sagely image of Heaven itself…. Indra should manifest his impressive and dignified manner.” In portraiture, this principle was manifested through the depiction of sovereigns as tall, plump and majestic, while their attendants appeared shorter, thinner and submissive. In terms of composition, the sovereign would be positioned at the centre of the picture, and if depicted in profile, he would be facing an expansive vista. This was not just a matter of painting technique any more, but was an embodiment of the will of the Emperor, as the paramount ruler in feudal society.

In the hand scroll Gu Diwang Tu (Portraits of Ancient Monarchs) ascribed to the Tang Dynasty (618-907) painter Yan Liben (d. 673) and collected by the Boston Museum of Fine Arts in the United States, successful ancient monarchs are depicted as dashing and spirited, while those that attend them look short and humble. The Song copy of Chongping Huiqi Tu (Playing Chess in front of Double Screens) by Zhou Wenju (act. 940-975) in the Southern Tang Kingdom of the Five Dynasties period (907-960) is arranged according to the same rules of imperial group portraiture described above: the relationship among the sovereign, in this case Li Jing (r. 943-960), ruler of the Southern Tang Kingdom (937-975), his subjects (i.e. his brothers Li Jingsui and Li Jingti ) and servants (i.e. attendants) is clearly delineated. In the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), court painter Shang Xi’s (act. c. mid-15th Century) scroll painting Ming Xuanzong Xingle Tu (Emperor Xuanzong of the Ming Dynasty on a Pleasure Ride) depicts Emperor Xuanzong (r. 1426-1435) riding high in the saddle on a steed in a commanding position atop a bluff with his retinue of eunuchs behind him or at the bottom of the slope. While the expansive scene in the work goes against the rule of perspective, the relative sizes of the figures depicted are determined by the relative political status of the sovereign, the subject and the servant, thus greatly impairing the realistic effect of the painting as representation of real life.

In the early years of the Kangxi period (1662-1722), court painters continued to adhere to the old conventions governing the depiction of monarchs and their subjects, as can be seen in the anonymous scroll Xuanye Rongzhuang Tu (Portrait of Emperor Kangxi in Martial Attire), which ignores perspective in its depiction of figures, with Emperor Kangxi seated farther away from the foreground being portrayed as tall as, or even slightly taller than, officials in standing position. In a similar fashion, Kangxi Nanxun Tu (Kangxi on South China Tour), an elaborate work by Wang Hui (1632-1717) and co-painters, also fails to break with the conventions of imperial group portraiture that had persisted over a millennium. Emperor Kangxi’s passion for Western science and his scientific achievements had a significant impact and were worshiped by Emperor Yongzheng (r. 1723-1735) and Emperor Qianlong (r. 1736-1795). To some degree, it changed court painters’ mindset about portraiture. The intense interest that Emperor Kangxi showed in such Western natural sciences as mathematics, cartography and medical anatomy provided an entrée for Lang Shining (Giuseppe Castiglione, 1688-1766) and other Western missionary painters to disseminate the scientific principles of Western realism in art, e.g.such as perspective, anatomy and the study of colour. Be it the Emperor, official or servant in the painting, they all had to be returned to their natural forms.A Jesuit priest, painter and architect, Milanese Castiglione travelled to China in the 54th year of the Kangxi reign (1715) and served as court painter to three Qing emperors - Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong, eventually rising to the third rank in the bureaucratic hierarchy. In Castiglione’s wake, a number of other missionary artists came to China, including Frenchman Wang Zhicheng (Jean-Denis Attiret, 1702-1738), Bohemian Ai Qimeng (Ignatius Sickeltart, 1708-1780) and Italians An Deyi (Joannes Damascenus Salusti, ? - 1781) and Pan Tingzhang (Giuseppe Panzi, 1733-1812).

Before these missionary painters came to China, the western world was witnessing the flourishing age of Renaissance, with many great names in humanistic art emerging and new developments in natural sciences making continuous advances. Lang Shining and his peers received systematic, workshop-style education in painting. They mastered scientific methods for the observation of objects, especially the observation methods focusing on inner anatomic structure, rational angles of perspective and sketching skills showing a knowledge of light and shadow. By bringing their scientifically-based artistic principles to the Qing court, these artists put an end to the era when court artists like Jiao Bingzhen (act. c. 1680-1720) taught themselves purely by referring to imported Western works. A new era, with Western missionary painters teaching Chinese court artists by both precept and example, began.

One thing worth mentioning here is that it was impossible for the missionary painters, who were opposed to the spirit of Renaissance, to embrace humanistic ideology. They were only depicting objects in a natural and realistic way, at the artistic level. Though ready to accept the naturalistic idea of creating more lifelike icon paintings, they could never, owing to the restraints of religious ideology, think of themselves as a striving force for equality of human dignity between the sovereign and his subjects.

Back in 1994, Mr. Nie Chongzheng, research fellow of the Palace Museum, made a discovery of the scientific attitude that the Western missionary painters adopted when depicting the relationship between sovereign and subjects. Inspired by this discovery, I shall attempt to expand on this point here.

The painting techniques of Lang Shining reveal how he resolved to change the abnormal sovereign-subject proportion in Chinese paintings at the formal level by trying his best to create portraits of the Emperor in a more lifelike way and by introducing some elements of Western religious portraiture. For example, the techniques of representation employed were meticulous and refined and the expressions and postures of figures are serene and demure, like those of Virgin Mary in the icon paintings.

Lang Shining’s innovation in the early days was cautious and first appeared in his works depicting scenes of court life. In the Yongzheng reign, he created the scroll Ping’an Chunxin Tu (Spring’s Peaceful Message), in which Emperor Yongzheng, (i.e. Yinzhen), is portrayed in front of a bamboo grove with his fourth son Prince Hongli (the future Emperor Qianlong) and a distinction in status between the sovereign-father and the subject-son is visible. The adult Hongli in the painting, reverently presenting white plum blossom to his father, which is symbolic of well-being and good luck, is shorter than his sovereign-father. However, the relative sizes of the figures are not distorted to an absurd degree. Not unlike the composition in icon paintings, the Emperor is portrayed in a naturalistic way, devoid of the awe-inspiring, towering and sturdy features associated with earlier royal portraiture. Another point worthy of note is that the father and son are dressed in Han costume, breaking with the imperial convention prescribed by Emperor Shunzhi (r. 1644-1661) in the early years of the Qing Dynasty, immediately after the Manchurians took the Central Plains. In fact, they are so attired as to resemble the literati of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) outside the imperial court, while the setting and furnishings also impart qualities of the literati life.

A particularly lively work painted by Lang Shining et al is the scroll Suizhao Tu (New Year’s Painting), in which the artists depicted Emperor Qianlong in the midst of his playful children. While the natural discrepancy in size between the Emperor and his children gives prominence to his image, he is portrayed naturally and compassionately as he holds his young son in his arms, striking at a toy to entertain him. The painting has all the qualities of any happy family scene on a festive occasion. The adult-child relationship is so warm and harmonious that one would probably forget that this adult is a feudal ruler. This true-to-life depiction of Emperor Qianlong by Lang Shining et al gives back to the monarch a human face, which serves not merely as a portrait but as an expression of his feelings. This was the first time in the history of Chinese painting that the emotional life of the Emperor was depicted from this perspective. It is necessary to point out that the postures and expressions of the Emperor and his young son in his arms can be traced to the western Virgin-and-Child icon paintings. It merits special attention that Hongli’s neck bends over by exactly the same degree as that of Virgin Mary in many portraits. One is therefore compelled to argue that the painter kept to the formulas formulae for the creation of the form in icon paintings that he had adopted in his earlier years. This is a more distinctive feature in the eyes of Western art historians.

In the 6th year of the Qianlong reign (1741), Lang Shining and other artists painted the scroll Shaolu Tu (Deer Hunting Patrol), a masterpiece for its most naturalistic treatment of the monarch and his subjects. The term shaolu describes a unique mode of deer hunting practiced by the Manchurians. At dawn, the hunters would don deer heads and blow long brass horns that imitated the mating call of the male deer. They would then lie in wait for the approach of a female deer, which would become easy prey. In this painting, we see Emperor Qianlong leading a group of hunters. At the rear of the column an attendant is carrying the long trumpet, thereby indicating the intention of this group of riders. From the costumes and helmets of Emperors emperors and their officials extant today, we know that there was no appreciable difference in height or build between an emperor and an average person at that time, and this fact is fairly faithfully represented in this painting by Lang Shining. The height of Emperor Qianlong in the saddle is decided by perspective as well as the actual proportion between him and his retinue. The third person on the left is Emperor Qianlong, whose height is hardly different from those of his retinue. In fact, the Emperor is, because of perspective, even slightly smaller than the two officials riding before him. This faithful adherence to the rules of perspective enhances the visual depth of the work. The proportional relationship of the mounted group as a whole seems very harmonious.

In the Qing Dynasty, the leaders of huqiang ying (Tiger Firearms Battalion, i.e. the imperial hunting guard) were tough and strong. When they accompanied the Emperor, there must have been a difference in height and build. The anonymous scroll of Hongli Ci Hu Tu (Hongli Killing a Tiger) realistically re-creates two leaders of Tiger Firearms Battalion as being taller than the Emperor. The figures of the painting were actually painted by Lang Shining, who made Hongli the focal point of the work through composition technique by placing him at the centre of the painting, so as not to undermine the visual prominence of the Emperor whatsoever.

The scientific methods of observation influenced the Qing court painters. For example, they greatly benefited Chen Mei (1697-1745), a court painter who served the Yongzheng and Qianlong emperors. His twelve-leaf album Yue Man Qing You Tu (Strolling in the Moonlight) faithfully depicts the environmental and weather changes characteristic of each month of the year as a background for the depiction of royal mistresses strolling with their maids through the palace courtyards. Another point of interest is that the artist depicts the two groups as intimates: the mistresses are neither haughty, nor are the palace maids servile. Their physical statures in the painting are almost the same. This naturalistic depiction also broke with the earlier conventions for depicting masters and servants.

All the paintings mentioned above reflect non-political and non-ceremonial daily activities within the imperial precincts, such as home life, hunting and entertainment. It became easier for court painters to increasingly depict the Qing emperor as an ordinary person in real life and these attempts won approval of the imperial family. However, the primary task of Qing court painters remained the chronicling of significant state and ceremonial events. Although the painters were very cautious in portraying imperial images, new changes are still appreciable if one looks at their works very closely.

In depictions of state occasions, court painters did not have the courage to portray the Emperor as a ‘normal’ human being. To a certain extent, the feudal political rites restricted the scientific elements in figure representation. Unlike their predecessors, the court painters bravely made some positive efforts nonetheless. For example, the hand scroll of Ji Xiannong Tan Tu (Sacrificing at the Xiannong Altar) by an unknown court painter depicts Emperor Yongzheng leading the princes and high officials to the Xiannong Altar to perform sacrificial rites to the God of Agriculture, to ensure a bountiful harvest in the coming year. Although the depiction conforms to convention in that the Emperor’s physical stature is slightly larger than that of his officials and attendants, he appears human rather than divine as far as the overall proportion is concerned.

In the 19th year of the Qianlong reign (1754), Emperor Qianlong, i.e. Hongli, staged a large pageant at the Summer Palace in Chengde to receive Mongolian leaders, including Amu’ersana of Huite Tribe, Banzhu’er of Shuote Tribe and Moku of Du’erbote Tribe. One of the main events in the celebration was an equestrian display by the soldiers of the Eight Banners (military-administrative organisations). This grand scene was represented in Mashu Tu (Equestrian Skills Show) by Lang Shining, working together with a team of Chinese court painters. Lang Shining attached great importance to placing the imperial portrait in a broad natural space. As required by the theme of the work, the artist boldly placed the Emperor on the right side of the work while the equestrian performers were arranged in a more prominent place. Usually, this kind of work would have the Emperor in the centre so as to highlight the main character and, as lesser figures for such a painting, the performers would usually be arranged on one side. This painting, however, features Emperor Qianlong in a conspicuous position spurring on his horse. He and his mount are both larger and taller than the other figures surrounding them, thus appropriately forming a majestic imperial image. Yet if we compare this image with that of Emperor Kangxi in Kangxi Nanxun Tu (Kangxi’s South China Tour), in which Kangxi towers above his retinue, we find that this image is much more natural and accessible.

In the same year, Emperor Qianlong also staged a banquet in Wanshu Yuan (Garden of Ten Thousand Trees) at the Summer Palace in Chengdu to fête the leaders of the Mongolian Du’erbote Tribe, the three Cheling who came to pledge their allegiance to the Emperor, including Cheling, Chelingwubashi and Chelingmengke. The team that painted The Equestrian Skills Show in 1754 was then commissioned to paint Wanshu Yuan Ciyan Tu (Imperial Banquet in the Garden of Ten Thousand Trees) in the following year. The painting portrays Emperor Qianlong seated in a palanquin, and again his face and torso are slightly larger than those of his officials and retinue. When a painting by a group of artists was being created, the normal practice was that the missionary artist would paint the portrait of the Emperor or portraits of important ministers around him, while Chinese painters would paint officials and servants, as well as the background. One possible reason for this is that while the Chinese painters made every effort to learn Western painting techniques, their abilities often fell short of their intentions. For example, in profile facial representations, they failed to grasp the complexities of perspective and anatomic structure and tended to paint the eyes almost as if they were on the front. Therefore, they inevitably felt inadequate for the task.

One can see from the above analysis that court artists during the Qianlong reign developed their own formulae: depictions of the Emperor in state or ceremonial events may exaggerate the Emperor’s physical size just enough so that he would clearly stand out from among the other figures.

The paintings discussed here reflect the daring attempts of the Western missionary and Chinese painters in the Qing court, who adopted a scientific approach to portray the Emperor more objectively. In paintings of the emperor going about his daily life, the artists injected an atmosphere of real life, whereas in depictions of grand state or ceremonial occasions, they reduced the exaggerated contrast in size between the emperor and his retinue typical of earlier portraits of this type. Given the political factors and social conditions, it was not possible for the painters to see the change of their approach from a perspective of egalitarian ideology. But in the history of ancient paintings, their works have conspicuous, positive significance in that they brought natural science and the art of painting even closer together.

Yu Hui

Associate Research Fellow &
Deputy Director of Ancient Calligraphy & Paintings Department
Palace Museum